An Interview with Hussein Shah-Hosseini:

The Execution of Anti-British Minister by the US Supporter

Seyed Mohammad Sadegh Feiz
Translated by: Fazel Shirzad


Note: Seyed Hossein Fatemi was executed in Tehran on November 10 in 1954, a year after a joint British-American coup against a national government in Iran.

Fatemi, 37 years old, who, according to Chromit Roosevelt, one of the planners of August 18 coup, was sentenced to death by order of king[1] before being arrested. After the coup, it was secret until February 24 in 1954, when he was arrested by Colonel Molavi. Once he was assassinated in the time of Mosadegh’s government by the Fada'iyan-e Islam[2], he was once again targeted the knife of Shaban Bimukh and his friends and wounded severely and rescued from death by his sister and received treatment and surgery in an army hospital to prepare for the trial court. He was transferred to armored-divisions 2 Prison (located in the Qasr-e-Tehran garrison) on military order and presented to a military court on the stretcher. He was executed at the place of armored divisions 2 at four o'clock in the morning on Wednesday, 10th November, 1954. As Fatemi was always in conflict with Britain and its agents, he was executed by American agents after the coup. Fatima's body was buried in Shahr-e Rey[3], the cemetery of Ibn Babawayh , along with the martyrs of July 21, 1952.

Seyed Hossein Fatemi was the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Dr. Mohammad Mosadegh. Fatemi was arrested by the Imperial Guard in a failed coup on 16 August 1953 and released a few hours later. In the evening of the same day, he made a sharp speech against the King in Baharestan Square, and repeated same words in the newspaper under his management "Bakhtar" spoke about the need to change Pahlavi's rule. These words greatly annoyed the King and caused him to be died after the coup.

We interviewed with Hussein Shah-Hosseini, one of the primary members of National Front of Iran and the National Council of Resistance Movement, formed by nationalists after the coup, about the execution of Fatemi and the time of this action. After the Islamic Revolution in the temporary government, Shah-Hosseini was the head of the Physical Education Organization and National Olympic Committee for a while.

• Did you know the late Fatemi?

I was acquainted with them through the National Front of Iran, but not directly with them, but my political work, especially the struggles of nationalization of the oil industry, came from the late Fatemi and played an effective role in these struggles, and, at that time, I was the member of national resistance. I was part of the central council of the movement.

• The National Resistance Movement was formed after the coup.

Yes. It was formed later. But most of Dr. Fatemi's life has been clear after August 19. He had the right government position before August 19, but after August 19, when the King arrested him, Dr. Fatemi was accepted by the Iranian community, or otherwise he was suspected by Iranian society. In particular, the resistance movement itself in the eighteenth National Assembly, which participated in the elections and listed the name of candidates, but it did not include Fatemi in the list. Fatemi was also in jail at that time, but they were still in doubt.

●She is suspected for a period of time.

Yes, it was at that time, and Dr. Fatemi's activities were known in the writings that Haj Seyed Reza Zanjani wrote in prison and the theories he developed and the issues that his talk about and courage he showed, otherwise Dr. Mosadegh, even some members of National Front deviated from right principles was for mostly the fault of Fatemi; Because of their hostility toward him. Fatemi, who was foreign minister, spokesman for the government, deputy head of government at the age of 40, has taken over all of Dr. Mosadegh's positions. Fatemi was a consultant in every respect. He came before the coup of August 19. When he came to publish the Bakhtar newspaper, Maki was very good to him, Dr. Bagayi was very good to him. He was also led by Mr. Haeri-Zadeh, and so Dr. Fatemi became known through the contacts he had with them, otherwise even Dr. Fatemi's campaigns had not started since the nationalization of oil industry, because the issues of nationalization of oil industry appeared since the 14th period; the first period that Rahimian came to power after the election of September in 1941.  When Reza Shah was gone, it was his first election in September 1941, when the members of Tudeh party[4] sent a representative to parliament. Mr. Rahimian came up with the plan to nationalize the oil industry, and many signed it, and Dr. Mosadegh did not sign it in the fourteenth period. What was the reason? He believed that Allies[5] were in Iran, Russians were too; now they would complain and riot, The Tudeh party are inside the country and the Allied forces are even walking in the streets of Tehran and Qazvin, and this issue is inappropriate in the current situation, so they stopped the plan. Towards the end of the 14th period, the oil issue was introduced by Gas-Golshaian[6] Bill.

Newspapers have commented, Dr. Fatemi had also fought in Isfahan, once jailed, and because his style of expression, journalism style, were similar to that of Mohammad Massoud, they all favor the weak and the poor and do not tend to the left, That is why, his issues were mentioned in newspapers otherwise the Bakhtar newspaper could not have been a western one instantly; and the honesty he showed to Mosadegh was very effective. The regulation for National Front of Iran was originally written by Mr. Hossein Maki and Fatemi. Fatemi always hatred for British politics. When they arrested him, he believed that Modarres[7] have been arrested by the British as well; and the British forced the Reza Shah to exile Modarres to countryside, and kill him. Fatemi was not an imitator at all, he had anti-English thought, and she regarded the British as the main cause of the misery of Iranian nation.

• So, why was the National Front against him? Was it just for her young age?

It was for competition, because some of them were attracted because of competitions. As you look at history, you can see that Hossein Maki won 100 thousand votes in the seventeenth Tehran elections and became the first lawyer in Tehran, Mr. Fatemi received much less votes. Haeri-Zadeh was one of well-known candidates, why? Because he had engaged in struggles as a part of minority group, as a follower of Maki, he released Abdul Ghadir, Dr. Baqa'i and Haeri-Zadeh, and then Dr. Mosadegh came along with them. At that time Fatemi was not yet well-known. The author of the newspaper was his brother. In 1940 he went to Paris and studied journalism, obtained a doctorate and returned to Iran, and he gradually became well-known in the newspapers. Then he became the owner of newspaper "Bakhtar". Dr. Fatemi has started writing in the newspaper Bakhtar and almost 50% of the Iranian oil problem has been resolved. But he was honest in writing, his writing style was popular as well, and one thing that few may have noticed is that all the Fatemi's articles, written from the first days, all smelled of religion.

Can it be the influence of Ayatollah Zanjani on him?

No. Zanjani emerged later.

●He was the son of a clergyman.

Because he was the child of a clergyman and a believer, not believed to make religion a means, he was believer. Even you see everyone is young, having fun activities, but no one is aware of Fatemi's activities; he spent most of her writing and trying to fight British politics. That is to say, his fight was based on his inner belief. It was inherently opposed to dictatorship, rather than being influenced by current politics. When he comes, he told Dr. Mosadegh's son that your father would eventually kill us and not allow us to do all over. It refers to the hatred that he found in colonial politics and commented frankly. Others, of course, thought in the same way, but they did not dare. According to the late Dr. Sedighi, Fatemi said he came very early but grew well, because he found who the enemies of Iran are and who are destroying Iran's national interests. And he was brave, both author and intellectual.

• This shows that National Front was not so good to Dr. Mosadegh that left the minister who was the versatile of government.

No. he did not left alone; Dr. Mosadegh's ideas have been applied up until that time. Dr. Mosadegh took Fatemi, who was ill, to court in The Hague. He was Mosadegh’s counselor, because Mosadegh trusted him. This trust has created a grudge for some.

• Because Mr. Fatemi had gone ahead when they came to Dr. Mosadegh's house to arrest him; at that time there was a rumor about him that he been arrested so that no one came to help him to escape or hide.

He escaped, and left his home and spent two or three nights at the home of some of his comrades.

• Qashqai[8]?

No. the Qashqai suggested but did not believe in the Qashqai originality, as Dr. Mosadegh did not believe the Qashqai, because he thought if they were in a position of power, they might be affected at once and would cause the country to crisis. He believed in their patriotism, but patriotism to the extent that it was not accompanied by selfishness. The Qashqai patriotism was selfish, but Mr. Fatemi's patriotism was all sincerity.

• Where was Fatima in those two or three days?

Those first two days, he stayed at home with two of his friends. One was the house of Dr. Reza, where none of the members of National Resistance Movement Committee were informed, but they were informed at a moment when Ahmad Tavangar (a member of the National Resistance Movement Committee that had already relation with Maki and Mr. Fatemi) was arrested in his house. On the third day Fatemi went to Mr. Tavangar's house. He was there for a few days. Mr. Tavangar was once one of the main elements of the Socialist Party. He indicated a little trend toward leftism. He was in relation with socialists, and an officer they chose this place for Mr. Fatemi, for a while.

• Who is the officer?

The same officer that Fatemi was in his house. He was in Mr. Ahmad Tavangar's house for some times. He moved from Ahmad Tavangar's house that officer's house.

•his name is Mahmoud Mohseni...


• Was Mohseni a member of Tudeh party?

Yes. He was member of Tudeh party. But there were no Tudeh’s members did used to co-operate with Russian politics.

• He was a leftist anyway. Did Kianori also play a role in this transition? Because he claimed I told Mohseni to harbor him.

No. Ahmad Tavangar, who was at home with Fatemi, was linked to the Tudeh party because there was a person named Ghaduh joined to National Resistance Movement and wanted to work with Mr. Zanjani- because he was the friend of Tavangar.  Mr. Mohseni was introduced to him; he could all of his activities in that house.

• Did Fatemi know that they were leftists, members of Tudeh?

Fatemi was same as Mr. Tavangar in perspective, they believed that Tudeh party was not in false way.

• Tudeh party, that was dissolved, opposed the Mosadegh’s government. How did Fatemi agree to go there?

It was because no one imagined it would succeed; two or three months...

• Did you mean the coup would come back?

Yes, surely, because we had news in national resistance movement that the Tudeh party network was so powerful, so popular. In the first month of December, Mr. Zanjani urged people to close the market. You see, Haj Seyyed Reza Zanjani was not so well known at the time and Kashani still had power, in that oppressive climate, came to close down the Tehran market severely. When I was a member of National Resistance Movement, they closed the market and arrested Zanjani. Zanjani was arrested by Mr. Timur Bakhtiar and brought to Hazirat al-Ghus.[9] was sitting next to Mr. Zanjani, because I was member of provision committee; they arrested me too. When I was arrested, I was sent to prison first, and they brought me to Mr. Bakhtiar after two or three days. Colonel Rumi was there too, Rumi knew me. Because I was on the sports teams, I was practicing army rugby. He knew me, he said to Mr. Bakhtiar, "he, Shah-Husseini, is one of athletes, and practiced with our comrades a lot. He wanted to help me. Bakhtiar didn't look at anything. Mr. Zanjani was very comfortable, his cloak was on his shoulder, and he sat there. Mr. Bakhtiar began to say: Sir? Mr. Zanjani said: What do you want to do? He said: 'Have you been here or brought you? Mr. Zanjani said: They brought me, now I don't know where to take me, we are captives. He said: "Did you write this announcement?" Mr. Zanjani said: yes. Bakhtiar said: yourself? He said: yes. Bakhtiar said: How did you write? He said: I wrote, I believe, I did ijtihad[10]. My ijtihad is that we closed the market as a protest of my religious duty." He was emphasizing ijtihad, Bakhtiar got up from behind the table and sat down with his hand, and said: "You said ijtihad, but people come on street and make fire." Mr. Zanjani said: 'Sir, I am the servant of the Hujjat-Allah al-Mahdi[11], I want to speak to the Imam, he also want to speak with me, I am not the king's servant. You should be the servant of the king; I will be the servant of the Imam.

Bakhtiar got angry, became silence; he got up and went. Zanjani also got up and dropped his cloak on his shoulder and walked out of the room. They arrested me in the hallway, and took Mr Zanjani to a room. I no longer knew [until] I was released from prison after about 27 days or maybe 37 days. I asked Mr. Zanjani: What happened? He said: They took me to a room that day, I had not had lunch that day, they gave me lunch, and they came to our house at noon.

• Where did Fatemi go from Mohseni’s home? Who introduced this place to Fatemi?

Fatemi went to Mohseni's house but was related. His relationship was not with Mohseni, we believe that he had relation with Ahmad Tavangar. And those letters he had first given were by Ahmad Tavangar until he was imprisoned. But it was the last day to be Mohseni's house. Another place was prepared but unfortunately that day...

• Where was he going to go?

Another place.

Yes, Mr. Zanjani had commissioned another person to find a home that was more in touch with Zanjani.

• While Fatemi was in prison and was injured, it seemed that Ayatollah Zanjani was also in prison and had a correspondence.

Yes, it is true.

Zanjani has played a key role for the National Resistance Movement, for the announcements, for the holidays, for the protests, and for all the work that has been done since Dr. Mosadegh's coup. That is, if announcements were made, Zanjani would receive them; Zanjani would send them to Abdullah Khan Moazami or Divan Beigi by me, Ahmad Tavangar or Abbas Radnia to be corrected and edited politically. As soon as they reformed and corrected, Zanjani got them ready for printing and distributing.

• it is said that as Dr. Fatemi and Ayatollah Zanjani had the correspondence with each other in prison, Ayatollah Zanjani is convinced that Fatemi is Fatemi, not what they were saying against him. How did National Front look at Fatemi?

To be frank, they were very complained by Zanjani at Central Committee meetings because he was the only character who was impressive, meaning those who were younger would accept the words of Zanjani. When Mr. Bazargan and Mr. Bakhtiar did it and announcement was distributed, perhaps it was his second meeting that Mr. Zanjani said to all those who gathered in the meeting in bitter humiliation:" I made a terrible mistake, you did not listen to what I said, We should not have distributed that announcement at all, now that we have to deal with Fatemi to compensate that mistake. He was supposed to apologize to Fatemi himself, and they gave him opportunity to apologize to Fatemi; he did it. Apologized by the courier that was there. Fatemi also thanked and said: Your message has arrived and thank you very much. The mistake was that some were still in dream of British politics that could affect people.

• That is, was there still a delusion to Fatemi that National Front took no action although Mr. Zanjani did these activities? It is said that Ayatollah Zanjani has worked very hard to release Fatemi or at least reduce the verdict against him.

 He worked hard because the leadership of National Front had no executive power at the time. When the National Front organized, the meeting of officials again took place and the National Front came together, and three or four members of National Resistance Movement were elected to form a National Front meeting, otherwise the National Resistance Movement would be director. There was no movement, no freedom movement, and no position. Ayatollah Zanjani was responsible for the National Resistance Movement. When the National Committee and National Front were formed, they gradually invited Mr. Zanjani, who was involved in the formation of the National Committee, but he refused to attend, and said expressly: "You are a politicians and you can do political activity together, but I'm a clergyman, I can't work."

• The trial of Dr. Fatemi was public and inconspicuous. No one was aware of inside the court.

Again, Colonel Bozorgmehr shared some of the information about Dr. Mosadegh with Zanjani, talked to his lawyers, and then Dr. Fatemi mentioned some of the material that he provided with the notes he gave to that lady, and had said some materials and some of them was mentioned by a colonel, who I can remembered his name, because the court was an army one familiar with military issues, they were negotiating with Dr. Sedighi, and again Haji Seyed Reza Zanjani was negotiated by the same lady.

• Which lady?

There was a woman that Dr. Fatemi used to give papers to her; one of the daughters of the late Haj Seyed Reza Zanjani, the head of a blood laboratory. She worked in the lab in the evenings, working as a nurse in prison in the mornings, and she was a connector. I don't know their names, but I visited the lady. He tried to gain information, and give it and get response and then come back.

How did the National Resistance Movement respond to the Fatemi’s trial?

We protested that this trial was not a fair trial, as it was in the case of Dr. Mosadegh and therefore in no way appropriate, and that we should not kill the patient if we assume that Dr. Fatemi should have been voted to kill under the laws. Someday we heard that he was killed in early morning, Mr Zanjani said: Go see some and watch. If you want to intervene, it will make a fuss. We didn't interfere. Otherwise, how Dr. Fatemi could be buried in the grave of martyrs of 21th July whereas Dr. Mosadegh was not buried. This is because, the problem is that, just as Dr. Fatemi's sister showed courage and did what Zanjani told her; she said: "you killed my brother, so let me know where you buried my brother!" Mr. Zanjani said: "He is buried beside the martyrs of 21th July."

• Did they agree?

They accepted that woman's words, not Zanjani's or anyone else's. When they accepted, we took action as soon as possible and did not let something happen, we washed and buried him early.

• When did you hear about the execution?

At 8am.

• Who made you aware?

Mr. Zanjani. Mr. Zanjani himself called Dariush Forouhar and me at 7:30 because we were there that night.

• Where were you?

We were in house of the late Zanjani, Mr. Zanjani had identified those, the last one was the chief of National Assembly, General Fakher Hekmat, had promised that he would not execute him, but the king had said not to execute him. The Shahshahani had gone (to see the king), that the king trusted him, but when the general Hekmat went to the king, he had explicitly said to the general: No, I won't execute him.  But he actually did it and as a result the general called and said: We said no, the king also said he didn’t like to execute him. Zanjani said: "But I am sure they will execute him ". He had not heard of the radio either, they told him. He called me and Forouhar, I couldn’t do anything; Forouhar got up, we only went to Fatemi's house. We found that they were assigned a soldier near his sister's house. Zanjani had said: "Do not react at all. Any reaction you make, make the situation worse." Zanjani said: "Try and take him to Ibn Babiyyah. Don't tell anyone, go with few people to help out if they need."

• Who did you go with?

I did not go by car, by private car, took a taxi to Shahrrei and Abdul Azim( pace be upon him) and came back. It only took about an hour for Dariush to arrive.

• Who else came?

Dariush came along with 6-5 persons. None of the comrades who came were known. Those came and took the corpses. We didn't go looking for the grave. We just made sure they were buried here, and we went to the grave of the martyrs 21th July.

• Was there his wife?

No, it was his sister.

• Where were his wife and his children?

His wife didn't come, she was at home.

• There is no news of his wife and his children between the coup and Fatima's execution.

No news, but Zanjani was in touch with his sister at the same time. And he had a little relationship with with Saeed, i.e. Dr. Saeed Fatemi, who was Fatima's nephew. But not too much, they weren't too engaged with him.

• What was the reaction of National Front or the Council of National Resistance Movement?

There were some groups; some had tendency on socialistic thoughts of Dr. Khanjti, some were the followers of toleration like Mr. Saleh, some were extravagance, like Dr. Sedighi, lived in this way. Dr. Sedighi was impressed, very upset under any circumstances. Those at Dr. Sedighi's center were very upset. Mr. Saleh also said: "We have taken steps but no results; all of them had protected Mr. Zanjani to do something, but they couldn't and didn’t accept. The king himself had a high regard and respect toward Seyed Reza Zanjani's family, because of the problems of September 1941 and the uprising in Azerbaijan. After the Azerbaijani uprising failed and they fled the country, the king invited the religious community, who were the follower of the King; everyone came, Amirza Sayed Mohammad Behbahani, Haj Sayed Reza also Zanjani was aslo invited. The late Haj Sayed Reza Zanjani himself narrated: "We all went there, the king thanked the clergy and religious community for serving on Azerbaijan's issues, Mr. Zanjani and so on. They all went on to equip, supply guerrillas, not guerrillas. ... He said, "We were all sitting, as usual the king came, everybody stood, then the king sat, then others have to sit. Zanjani said: "when I went first, I said me why I should stand up, I couldn’t stand more; I sat and other sat too. Some, like me, thought it was because of my age. I also started smoking. When the king came, we stood up and sat down. Then they brought a bowl of coins; gave a coin to commemorate that day, Mr. Behbahani said: "I want to take coin for some who are absence". He was talking and laughing. The king said:" The clergymen have done a great deal of service to the country, including this issue, if they have any wishes we may be able to provide." Mr. Behbahani and Haj Mirza Abdullah Chelsotuni said to king: "if you, majesty king, to forbid these barkeepers." they said nothing and became silence. Yes, we also tried not to give permission to barkeepers. Zanjani said:" I came back and sai:" You, Majesty king has the power, so stop those the barkeepers, but find job for them. Give these hats instead of wine to sell; if carriage replaced by taxi, coachmen should be employed; They were asked for taking license, and the family of Amini told them to go and get a taxi, not to tell them you were wrong. The king replied: "Yes sir, you are right, we will take a decision about them." zanjani added: while we stood up to leave, Mr. Behbahani said to the king" This Mr. Zanjani and his family helped us a lot in Zanjan. He himself had come to the front. Then the king took Zanjani's hand and said: "What is your position with regard to Ayatollah Behbahani? ... He said:" They are scholars like other scholars, we are also his students; we have a little difference, not much. Then he went. The king said: What should we do if we want to visit you? He said: 'Nothing, send a car, and we will come to see you. But you shoul say us one day before. He said that this was my behavior for the king. The king had sent Amir Asadullah Alam to bring Ayatollah Zanjani, a few times. There was also a dealer named Hassan Kalantari, who was in relation with Zanjani, he was the neighbor of Mr. Zanjani. He always reported the work of Zanjani to the King. The king loved him as well, with a letter saying: "this is Land Reform, but you can do whatever you prefer to do." He also wrote: We are the followers of Hujjat-Allah al-Mahdi, he said us if we find that the decision of government is disagree with the religious principles, and you should disagree with it. The National Front wanted Zanjani, but Zanjani was not a clergyman to be given up by it. He both wanted to respect religion, and politics and management ... Ashikh Abdul Karim was the religious reference. The office of Ashikh Abdul Karim, at the time of Kashf-e hijab[12] and the change of cloth, manage that situation. Now, he come and follow the words of Bakhtiar. Dr. Bakhtiar, for example, was very loyal to Mr. Zanjani. When he became prime minister, Mr. Sharifi Nami and Mr. Abolfazl Qasemi went to the house of Mr. Zanjani to let the helicopter come someday to go the visit the tomb of Dr. Mosadegh. Zanjani said them that Bakhtiar didn't have to do this works; why he accepted to be a prime minister and want to go to Mosadegh's tomb!? Sharifi, Mr. Bakhtiar's assistant, told me that this story, and he is living now in France. But Fatemi's courage and clarity were more than Mosadegh's friends. Frankly, he is completely friendly with his friend, and completely enemy with his enemy. You don't have to do these things. You wouldn't accept a prime minister now that you want to go to Mossadegh's tomb, no need. Sharifi, Mr. Bakhtiar's assistant, told me that it is now France. But Fatima's courage and clarity were by no means the words of Mosadegh's friends. Frankly, he is completely friendly with his friend, and completely enemy with his enemy. He was serious in political work. He used to reply frankly unless you convince him. He intentionally opposed the monarchy in Iran.

• After the coup, was only Fatemi executed?

Yes, Karimpur Shirazi was also burned by fire.

• He was not a governmental person; there was Only Fatemi as a governmental person. Was Fatimid's crime higher than Mosadegh's?


• was it only for the aggression against the king?

No, because his words were so powerful that he could turn a society. But Dr. Mosadegh’s words weren’t .Dr. Mosadegh, throughout his life, did not admire the son of Pahlavi, he used to call the Reza Shah as a" Majesty king"! There were two people on the National Front talking like this, one was Mr. Mosadegh, and another one was Dr. Sedighi. Once, I asked Dr. Sedighi about it, he said: "He (Reza Shah Pahlavi) is an old man, he has been in the country for some time, his wife is a queen, his mother is majesty to, they have been chosen in this names; History will judge whether they were good or bad, I will not call them badly.

• But Fatemi used to admire Pahlavi's son.

Ye. Especially after that event happened to him. Because the king was interested in him and wanted to conquer him, but did not and could not. He always said: whatever I say to the king, I will that words to Mosadegh too. Mosadegh also tells me to say these words; the king may be guided.

It is said, when the king return to Iran after the coup, he have been asked: "What do you want to do with them?" he replied: we will imprison Mosadegh for three years, we will execute Fatemi. Fatemi had not yet been captured. This meant that the trial was a demonstrative one that they wanted to execute.

Yes. They wanted to execute the sentence. Fatemi was come to trial and killed soon. The king felt that Fatemi, in Iranian society, because of his popular backgrounds, could get Mosadegh's position that if Mosadegh would to be abolished someday so that parliament would be formed and people would be voted out of confidence because of the people's confusion, Mosadegh would be replaced by Fatemi.

What was the response of community to the announcement of Fatemi’s execution?

The society was injured, the leftists sidestepped, and the Tudeh party's members believed: he refused to cooperate with us to get him out of prison. His approach did not even match with the method of the national resistance movement that wanted to continue the fight, and the ideas that Mr. Abdullah Khan Mo'azami, the Divan Beigi, as well as Abolfazl Lassani and a few others we had found in parliament. We were not a revolutionary party. We were a legitimate non-revolutionary group. Some of Mr. Fatemi's slogans had gone even further than the revolution.

• I want to go back to a point whether Dr. Fatemi was still in contact with the members of Tudeh party in prison when they told him: 'We will take you out and he didn't accept you?

Yes. As it was said to Mosadegh.

• That is, it was supposed that a mass of people would follow him that is why he was executed soon. But when he was executed, nothing happened.

This is the personality of the Iranian people. Golsurkhi spoke in court. They wrote in the newspapers every night. But then they executed Golsurkhi. Everybody only said: I'm sorry that he is died, let's go to visit his gravestone this year, we should celebrate him this year. This is the Iranian personality.

Of course such personality is not true to clergymen, as the personality of Imam Hussein (AS). But it is true to our political persons. The activities of Fatemi, Karimpour Shirazi are ignored; the survival of political people is to hold such persons, we unfortunately do not. This is our weakness.

• That is why, after Fatemi's execution, no one in the court went to protest or do anything.

No. nobody protested, only those who wanted to protest and kill, they the court president- i.e. killed Afshartus; murderer was arrested, and then released him from prison, and came out and then took a post; Genaral Monazah and Mazini. This is the personality of Iranian political people, as I saw, didn’t prefer to pursue something, and the clergymen, who worked according to the orders of the Imams (AS), were kept away from this field.

Did Mr. Fatemi also have any relation with Mr. Shams Qanatabadi?

Yes, because Maki had relation with him, Mr. Shams had too. But Mr. Shams was abusing of Fatemi power. He never did something against Fatemi. Mohsen Bagdeli wrote some words against Fatima in her "Shalagh[13]" newspaper. But the Mujahideen Muslim Society of Proponents of Shams Qanatabadi did not write. Even, the Fadaiyan Islam[14] itself, Amir Abdullah Karbaschian, who was the director of the Fada'iyan-e Islam newspaper, did not say anything against Fatemi. Kashani was interested in Fatemi because he said he was a Muslim, and indeed Fatimi was faithful among people in the cabinet of Mr. Mosadegh. He was a mullah; I said you look at all his articles. He has one verse, a reference in each one. Fatima was not killed once, he was killed three times. We had a great writers a lot, we had Eshghi, we had Mr. Farrokhi Yazdi, they were killed once, but Fatemi was killed three times. One time Mr. Abdokhda'i came and tortured him. The second time he was arrested and injured by knife, and the third time he was carried by stretcher for execution. The National Forces, because of their intellectual analysis, are saying: that day is over, think of the present. That day was related to that day. Although we say past experience can be used today, they says no.

• Thank you for this opportunity.


[1] Mohammadreza Pahlavi

[2] It is a Shiʿite fundamentalist group in Iran with a strong activist political orientation. The group was founded in 1946, and registered as a political party in 1989. An alleged terrorist organization, it was founded by a theology student nicknamed Navvab Safavi. 

[3] Ray is the capital of Ray County in Tehran Province, Iran. Formerly a distinct city, it has now been absorbed into the metropolitan area of Greater Tehran as the 20th district of municipal Tehran, the capital city of the country.

[4] The Tudeh party of Iran is an Iranian communist party. Formed in 1941, with Soleiman Mohsen Eskandari as its head, it had considerable influence in its early years and played an important role during Mohammad Mosaddegh's campaign to nationalize the Anglo-Persian Oil Company and his term as prime minister.

[5] The Allies of World War II, called the United Nations from the 1 January 1942 declaration, were the countries that together opposed the Axis powers during the Second World War. The Allies promoted the alliance as a means to control German, Japanese and Italian aggression

[6] It is also called "Supplementary Agreement", a contract signed between the Government of Iran and representatives of the Iranian-British Oil Company as an annex to the Agreement. Under the deal, the oil company accepted modifications to the payments made to Iran.

[7] Seyed Hassan Modarres, was an Iranian Twelver Shi'a cleric and a notable supporter of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution. He was among the founding members, along with Abdolhossein Teymourtash, of the reformist party Hezb-e Eslaah-talab, which was formed during the fourth national Majlis of Iran. 

[8] Qashqai is a conglomeration of clans in Iran consisting of mostly Turkic peoples but also Lurs, Kurds and Arabs. Almost all of them speak a Western Oghuz Turkic dialect known as the Qashqai language, which they call "Turki", as well as Persian in formal use.

[9] Hazirat al-Ghuds, was the site of  Baha's people  in Tehran (between the crossroads of Hafez - Ayatollah Taleghani crossroads - Martyr Nejatollahi crossroads and the current Somayeh Street - the site of the Art Center), which was used by the second division of the army headquarters, and even SAVAK did some of its investigations in this place.

[10] It is an Islamic legal term referring to independent reasoning or the thorough exertion of a jurist's mental faculty in finding a solution to a legal question. It is contrasted with taqlid.

[11] He is also known as Imam al-Mahdi, is believed by Shia Twelver Muslims to be the Mahdi, an eschatological redeemer of Islam and the final Imam of the Twelve Imams who will emerge with Isa (Jesus Christ) in order to fulfill their mission of bringing peace and justice to the world. 

[12] On 8 January 1936, pro-western ruler Reza Shah Pahlavi of Iran issued a decree known as Kashf-e hijab banning all Islamic veils, an edict that was swiftly and forcefully implemented. The government also banned many types of male traditional clothing. 

[13] Whip


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From Condolence Theater in the Role of Ruqayyah bint Al-Hussein (PBUH) to Eulogy in Geneva

Hajj Yadollah Behtash has been a eulogist of Ahl al-Bayt (PBUH) for nearly half a century. His background includes eulogies in the House of Leader and Geneva, Switzerland, and he has written numerous religious books, but few interviews are available from his memoirs and life. The "Iranian Oral History Website" decided to conduct an interview about the life of this patriarch of the Ahl al-Bayt (PBUH) on the occasion of the days of mourning of Aba Abdullah (PBUH).
It was mentioned in an interview with Batoul Qayyumi:

We Bought Clothes for the Operating Room with the Money Gathered in Khorramshahr Liberation Ceremony

During the eight years of sacred defense, when men were fighting with the enemy on the front lines, ladies gathered in houses, mosques, and cultural and religious centers to provide food, clothing, and other necessities for the warriors. Batoul Qayyumi (known as Shabani), born in Qahroud, Kashan, is one of the ladies who, during the eight years of the sacred defense, has made many efforts and provided many ladies in Tehran province ...

Current concern of oral history: Gap in theorization

In the conversation ahead, Dr. Ali Tatari, the professor of history and a member of the Board of Directors of the Iranian Oral History Association with years of experience as the Head of the Document Center of Iranian Majlis (parliament) Library discusses the pathology of theorization in area of oral history and the status of this field in universities.

Significance of interaction between local history and oral history in compiling local writing

Compilation as a final product of many interviews has been noticed by the individual or collective projects of oral history. Compilation in oral history depends on a variety of factors, such as the policy making of the centers, the compiler, and the type of interview. This article deals with the relationship between local history and oral history and its impact on compilation in order to address issues such as the nature of ...